I understand the general Marxist theory about why class society arose, there was surplus production and that lead to the institution of private property and the rest follows.

All of that makes sense on a high level but what exactly happened on an individual human level? Conceivably those early civilizations could have elected to go for a more equitable and democratic distribution of the surplus value even if the result would probably not be 100% equitable and would result in some poverty due to material constraints at the time. How do you explain the first appearance of private property and class society on an individual level without delving into some evopsych nonsense about evolutionary instincts or whatever?

  • Collatz_problem [comrade/them]@hexbear.net
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    The answers are great, but they also miss the decisive influence of war. War loot made proto-aristocracy richer and allowed them to fund better armor and weapons, which both made them more successful in external wars and made them more efficient in imposing their will internally; war pressured nearby societies to develop state instutions from informal relationship networks and eliminated those societies that clinged to a more equitable organization.

    • plinky [he/him]@hexbear.net
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      yeah like once you get armor with swords, guys with sticks suddenly look like walking lootboxes usufruct yet not utilized, anarchists point to this as primary contradiction persisting through all manner of societies. i haven’t seen literature though which came first - somebody deciding to protect against covetous neighbors first or getting armed guys to raid tribes nearby first

      • Collatz_problem [comrade/them]@hexbear.net
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        Unarmored men were still able to fight, just less effectively and heavy infantry actually started really dominating the field only by ~300 BC (in Europe), and this significantly accelerated the process of state expansion.

        i haven’t seen literature though which came first - somebody deciding to protect against covetous neighbors first or getting armed guys to raid tribes nearby first

        Probably was a classic case of coevolution with small advances on each stage.

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          obviously, hunting equipment was probably used since ice age to raid nearby tribes for slaves/women/tribute, but the bronze sword is very different from spears in purpose, but one can imagine protection requires at least 3 guys outfitted with swords (possibly rotating them), so from settlement of 50 you have to appropriate at least 10% surplus to supply them, while raiding requires at least 5-10, but they can be part-time. so one sword doesn’t do anything for you in both cases, and protection seem much more obviously extractive due to time constrains

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            The primary armament was typically spear, bow/sling and shield. Swords were really expensive and limited to aristocracy.

            And also non-state or proto-state societies had absolutely insane levels of mobilization at war. Typically they could sent in the field 20-25% of total population. This is almost every adult man, and some societies (like Scythians) armed women too. The most mobilization-intensive ancient state society (Rome) had peak mobilization level of roughly 6-8% of total population during the Second Punic War, and most of the rest could barely achieve 1-2% (Carthage and Greek poleis could achieve something around 3-4%, although it is more of a guesstimate than hard numbers).

            • plinky [he/him]@hexbear.net
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              counting or not counting slave population kiryu-stare damn, their harvests must be really powerful to support such levels of mobilization compared to pitiful battles of medieval england.

              • Collatz_problem [comrade/them]@hexbear.net
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                This is counting the slave population (it actually was a pretty small fraction in most societies, except those powerful enough to have a strong slave influx from war).

                The harvests were shitty. This level of mobilization was balanced by being really short-term, which was one of the weaknesses of non-state societies, because when war was long enough, militias of smaller settlements often just left the main army and went home for agricultural work. So even if they managed to beat back the Roman Army, Rome often won just by maintaining the pressure, until non-state armies (if you can apply the term) started dwindling, then forced the battle on favourable conditions.

  • Cowbee [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.netM
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    A combination of simply lacking the technology to advance production and the rise of the division of labor. Marx has a quote from The German Ideology that is immensely useful:

    We shall, of course, not take the trouble to enlighten our wise philosophers by explaining to them that the “liberation” of man is not advanced a single step by reducing philosophy, theology, substance and all the trash to “self-consciousness” and by liberating man from the domination of these phrases, which have never held him in thrall. Nor will we explain to them that it is only possible to achieve real liberation in the real world and by employing real means, that slavery cannot be abolished without the steam-engine and the mule and spinning-jenny, serfdom cannot be abolished without improved agriculture, and that, in general, people cannot be liberated as long as they are unable to obtain food and drink, housing and clothing in adequate quality and quantity. “Liberation” is an historical and not a mental act, and it is brought about by historical conditions, the development of industry, commerce, agriculture, the conditions of intercourse…[There is here a gap in the manuscript]

    This is the basis of historical materialism. Early slave societies rose and then transformed into feudalism through successive improvements in production technology, development, and transformations in the division of labor. When early communalist societies began agriculture, this gave some groups more time than others, which gradually transformed into social leverage and an actual class, state, and more. This is also why communism abolishes the division of labor as such, and why many socialist countries try to focus on polytechnical education and development of the productive forces.

    • space_comrade [he/him]@hexbear.netOP
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      which gradually transformed into social leverage and an actual class, state, and more.

      Yeah this is my question I guess, why exactly did this social leverage appear? Conceivably they all could have collectively chosen not to form social classes but rather distribute what they had more equitably however little that surplus was, why was it absolutely materially necessary for slaves to exist in those times for example? Couldn’t the same labor be performed by free people?

      • Cowbee [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.netM
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        It wasn’t necessarily an intentional process. When one group gained more free time, the division of labor became critical for advancement. With the division of labor came the rise of class society. It was a gradual process, almost like boiling a frog. Some societies did choose to be more equitable to certain degrees, but ultimately the material forces behind historical development compelled the development into social classes.

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          Yeah I guess “choose” was the wrong word here, I understand this didn’t happen in a planned and intentional manner, what I’m asking is why didn’t they cool the frog rather than boil it, why did so many civilizations drift into hierarchy and class and not the other way around? Conceivably rather than drifting slowly into class society they could have continued nurturing a more egalitarian form of being.

          • Cowbee [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.netM
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            The social relations generally arise from the level of material development. That’s the central point of Marx, at certain levels of productive capacity, certain social formations become more suitable. It’s also where the debates about stageism came from in the Bolshevik/Menshevik understanding. The Mensheviks vulgarized Marx’s conception of historical development, thinking the bourgeois democratic revolution needed to develop before the proletarian revolution could happen.

            The abolition of private property cannot happen without developed means of production suitable for the total abolition of private property. In this way, communism rhymes with early communalism, this is the negation of the negation.

  • DBL [They/Her]@lemmygrad.ml
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    The quantitative changes that eventually result in the qualitative shifts of a class society are done mostly by everyday working people who aren’t aware of how their individual actions coalesce into collective action and what they amount to. For example, when I’m at work I’m just trying to get through my 10 hours and get home to my family and to play minecraft, I’m not consciously aware that my work is quantitatively adding on to the development of the productive forces.

    People probably weren’t inventing clay storage vessels with the hopes to eventually change the relations of productions of their communalist society. They were probably just like, “dope, these berries are gonna stay good for an extra couple days.”

    In the transition from nomadic pastoralism to sedentary agricultural production, in places like Mesopotamia, if I were a farmer, walls, cities, and irrigation are technological innovations that would probably look appealing to me to be a part of. The division of labor (including the bureaucratic control of surplus goods) is also an innovation but of the relations of production instead.

    Keep in mind, you’re probably not walking out of the woods to see these cities. Most people are born into these new early fuedal/slave societies. It’s all you’ve ever known and it’s reinforced through not just incredible violence but culture and especially religion. Your city has a patron god and your ruler was chosen by your god. Who are you to ask what they do with your grain?

    I highly highly highly recommend Chainslayer’s videos on YouTube that cover the history of human societies from the emergence of class, the state, and money all the way to the industrial revolution. They’re a marxist using historical materialism. They’re easy to understand and pretty comprehensive.

    Here’s the link to the video of theirs that might directly answer your question.

    https://youtu.be/YMb_ojeZ_gI

  • RiotDoll [she/her, she/her]@hexbear.net
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    We have the right idea about the physical. Like the idea that surplus production would start concentrating wealth

    a lot of people alive right now really dont understand how much of a resource knowledge and knowledge production is.

    because early on. early, EARLY on, the families producing surplus, the people who actually experienced gains in lifespan and power, were coalescing into local and then regional, then imperial governments? they were able to collect more knowledge and pass it down faster. Something as simple as figuring out how to identify better soil quality could become an edge.

    We were as smart then as we are now, and we were way more sensate to the outside world on the whole, because our lives demanded it. Eventually somebody figures out how people work, having all this extra nutrition, and a larger knowledge base, was putting the people at the top of these early hierarchies, a few steps ahead of anybody else in most ways. This happens independently in many places. With different, messy, extremely human intellectual/material technologies, consistently

    The first guy who figured out how to convince other people to fight for his stuff, also instantly created the social pretext for war and mass violence, and these are the contexts where figuring out how to get people to do labor that isn’t just for them is being worked out more generally.

    There were families and other organizations concentrating knowledge and using it to concentrate influence and power. With time the reasons why you would do this become more than strictly material. The complex contexts based on this need to get people to do stuff means you have to manage their thoughts, and figure out how to motivate people who may be relative strangers to perform labor for you. This creates a need for religion complex enough to be wielded by a state, (though I think the religious impulse is not rooted in this, i do think the impulse towards religion is actively manipulated and has been the entire time we’ve had it). These complex motives amount to delusions and bullshit most of the time, but it becomes culture.

    As you move to these larger city-state social organizations, the basic form of the ruling class exists. It’s here, and already for a very long time.

    The basic relationship between : -motivating people at scale to do things for people other than themselves and their family -the desire to stay in power, to protect gains, to protect the amassed wealth and collective expression/being of the social order they’re at the center of -the basic recognition of knowledge as a resource worth hoarding, hiding, etc.

    is a relationship that causes this class to want to preserve itself. So it begins justifying its existence as an abstract idea, either through religious imperative, the promised rewards of conquest, the doling out of “sacred/secret” knowledge (usually the deets on how to manipulate people), or whatever.

    “Steve is having to explain why he needs to be in charge, and he is unfortunately the motherfucker who realized you could imprint the structure of the society you want into expression of the culture of that society, so he pays artisans to write and tell the epic of Steve everywhere. We’ve got writing now too, shit, lets plaster this shit everywhere. The entire world is gonna know Steve was too smart to fuck the goddess of love and war.”

    the patterns that were established persist, and we never really have stepped out from the inertia of these initial social conditions. We’re just living in some bizarre fractal mutant of those initial conditions.

    families/etc. come and go. bloodlines (as a byway for knowledge transmission here) rise and fall, generations of this bullshit come and go, and because this basic structure is what we happened to “pull ourselves up” with, it echoes through the finite song of the human species from its start, and will to its end, unless one can make a conscious, concentrated effort to destroy it, the pattern will probably be around as long as we are as a species.

    to be quite honest i think it’ll carry on well past that too lol

  • juice_ [none/use name]@hexbear.net
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    I just wrote a comment about this in the last few weeks, but idk if it got removed or what.

    In Marx’s ethnological notes on Lewis Morgan, he reviewed Lewis’s work on the ancient Roman gentiles, and their communal lifestyle. So I’m basing what I’m gonna describe on those notes. Keep in mind these social forms existed like 50 BC to 500 ad, and feudal/monarchic society predates that by like 8000 years or something.

    There were these egalitarian communes of families with a shard ancestor called the Gens, which were genuinely fraternal social organizations where people shared resources and personal property was redistributed upon death of a member. Over time, distinct sections of the Gen seemed to accumulate different forms of social capital. So you got a group of like doctors, or academics, or leaders, engineers, or manual workers. Not formal divisions mind you, but if you were a member of the Gen you knew which people to go in order to get some function of your society. There was still like a genuine fraternity among the Gens at this point, and the functioning of society for the individual members was formally dependent on egalitarianism.

    As this social capital concentrated within a group, the informal divisions hardened into castes, called Gentes. There was still respect and fraternity among the members of the Gens, but Gentes are now starting to act according to their own best interests. The egalitarianism still exists informally, but its more like a principle or value than a need in order for each little Gen society to function. Cultural momentum, not a necessity for survival.

    Eventually, the Gentes start jockeying for political power and social position. This process destroys the genuine egalitarianism in every form, and replaces it with social competition and hierarchy. Eventually, one caste, one gent, dominates all others. This creates the “ruling class”, which simultaneously creates the other hardened classes. All egalitarian sentiment has been wiped away, both formally and informally, as far as it existed as an essential way that society functions.

    In older forms of society, there were many classes that depended on each other for their established place in the hierarchy. Under feudalism the church existed as part of the power structure that maintained monarchic rule. This was extremely stable. But the creation of the bourgeois class created a new middle class that was driven by the relentless search for profit. This relentlessness means that the bourgeois class could not share power. They destroyed the formal power of the church, then the formal power of the monarchy. The capitalist’s ability to buy people, to change society, to formalize their own rule, led to their ability to subordinate the old classes and transform them into capitalist institutions. This is the process that leads to the two formal classes of capitalism, worker and capitalist. But I think its worthwhile to treat informal classes, such as peasant and lumpen, middle and small capitalist, nouveau riche and tech oligarchy classes, though there are others, as “real” since they reflect peoples experiences and real accumulation of social capital.

    At the same time, there is one relentless search for profit, one global system that determines the character of all others, that determines the central contradiction around which is accumulated the material possibility for a new socialist society

        • Bobson_Dugnutt [he/him]@hexbear.net
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          I guess so? I’ve read Origin of the Family by Engels which is also based on Morgan’s work, but not Marx’s notes.

          Iirc he talks about how in Ancient Greece and Rome the gentes lost their power and importance as the economy became more regionally connected and based on slavery, and local war chieftains or kings became more powerful. So politics came to be based more around geography and military might than family structures, and class society emerged as some people were captured or sold into slavery and disconnected from their gentes, or became more powerful through military conquest and/or priestly administrative roles and chose to ignore the old social order of the gentes.

          • juice_ [none/use name]@hexbear.net
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            Oh interesting, Marx had some comments about the how the nuclear family arose alongside monarchy but wasn’t created by monarchy, but Tue nuclear family inherited the contradictions of society at large.

            I haven’t read that one, but given my interest in this subject I’ll have to look it up.

    • space_comrade [he/him]@hexbear.netOP
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      As this social capital concentrated within a group, the informal divisions hardened into castes, called Gentes. There was still respect and fraternity among the members of the Gens, but Gentes are now starting to act according to their own best interests. The egalitarianism still exists informally, but its more like a principle or value than a need in order for each little Gen society to function. Cultural momentum, not a necessity for survival.

      Yeah I guess the core of my question is exactly what makes this kind of process tick. How come the cultural momentum swung in that particular direction rather than the other.

      • juice_ [none/use name]@hexbear.net
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        Like, why did it swing toward consolidation of power rather than deeper forms of egalitarianism? Probably crisis, scarcity, natural disaster, war. We have to think about these systems globally and locally. The conditions didn’t exist in one place to develop into castes and classes, but they did in the next area over. Scarcity of resources or opportunities to accumulate material or social resources drive expansionist, imperialist development. What makes the process tick, according to Marxism, is a dialectic relationship between opposing forces.

        Spinoza has a line in Ethics which I think is interesting:

        After men persuaded themselves, that everything which is created is created for their sake, they were bound to consider as the chief quality in everything that which is most useful to themselves, and to account those things the best of all which have the most beneficial effect on mankind. Further, they were bound to form abstract notions for the explanation of the nature of things, such as goodness, badness, order, confusion, warmth, cold, beauty, deformity, and so on; and from the belief that they are free agents arose the further notions of praise and blame, sin and merit.

        If this has some merit, which I think it does but there’s def problems with Spinoza though you gotta love his efforts to construct human nature from first principles, then the “cardinal sin” of class society is one part of society, which is a part of nature, begins to consider itself above and beyond nature. But what drives this IMO is a slow process of material need which leads to accumulation of social capital, that negates the old egalitarian material basis and replaces it with an informal caste that negates the old formal egalitarian basis for human society.

        The truth is you are probably just gonna have to work to find specific answers to your question, in my experience these questions exist as a sort of discomfort that drives us to seek answers. Recognition of some objective factor conflicts with something subjective within you that drives you to seek an answer outside of you. This inside/outside, negating old ideas with new ones is the motor of revolutionary criticism. Something like this process happens to people when society goes through changes. This happened to those people who formed those old egalitarian societies when they followed external pressures to change their own societies, just as it happens to us. This inside/outside struggle is the driver of human and social change. All social questions resolve themselves in the practical activity of the people who make up the society. In order to really understand, we have to get rid of abstraction and seek evidence.

        But since these class societies arose at different times and in different ways, and much of the old ancient records didn’t survive, then we can look at more recent examples of revolution to understand social change. Detailed analysis of the French revolution, the Russian revolution, the American civil war, the Haitian revolution, WW1, WW2, the Chinese revolution, and the times leading up to them, can provide some insight.

        Black Reconstruction by WEB Dubois is one of the best such analyses. He really gets into the weeds of the classes, the opposing forces, the material and social negations, that led to a drastic and necessary material change to the means of production in society. Another good example is Gramsci’s study of the Risorgimento and Passive Revolution. But just by the way you ask the question, seems to me like you are on a personal journey that won’t feel satisfied until you’ve basically transformed yourself and the way you think about the world. At least, that’s how it worked in my experience and from what I’ve seen in the experiences of others

        • space_comrade [he/him]@hexbear.netOP
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          But just by the way you ask the question, seems to me like you are on a personal journey that won’t feel satisfied until you’ve basically transformed yourself and the way you think about the world.

          Didn’t expect to be clocked like that lmao but yeah kind of I guess. Thanks for your input the answers in this thread definitely clarified some stuff at least a little bit.

      • ComradeRat [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.net
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        Sometimes it did push in the other direction. Western and central Europe had more class differentiation during the bronze age than the earlier iron age for example. But then the commodity form re-infiltrated them through the greek and phoenician merchants, more militarism became necessary to defend against encroachment from the south (and from neighbours later on), their warriors grew wealthy from raiding greek and roman colonies (or from serving the same as mercenaries), etc. The same sorta push in the other direction has happened countless times, usually leading to what the nobles view as “dark ages”—but so long as any class societies exist they will re-establish themselves

        Itz why the revolution needs to be global and must struggle to abolish commodities or “the whole rot” (as marx called it) will just re-establish itself again

  • ComradeRat [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.net
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    All societies are capable of producing surpluses of use values. Some societies exchange surplus use values(at first as gifts, later as gifts expecting gifts of similar quantity or quality back.).

    From the regular exchange of gifts arises the commodity form and hence commodity-value and exchange-value. From the emergence of the commodity form, there arises the possibility of creating a use-value for the sole purpose of exchanging it with someone else’s; i.e. commodity production and circulation arises.

    Consequently, one begins to look at a big pile of rocks, or a mammoth with impressive antlers, and see not use-value (tools, meat, artistic material), but exchange-value, how many things (including favours/debts from one’s fellow people) one could exchange it for. This spurs the incentive to figure out how to produce more commodities for exchange faster, but in the palaeolithic and mesolithic these tendencies are very much marginal—in earliest periods, like pre-100,000bc, either non-existent or undetectable—with the main things exchanged being particularly fancy or useful stones for toolmaking.

    Why is exchange marginal in these early periods, and why does the commodity not rule society? Because there’s less people, and these people are more mobile. If a foraging band needs stone, in most cases they go set up camp by the stone and get some. In later periods (post100,000bc-ish) there might be people who have “home bases” they return to, store stuff at, trade from, and defend territorially, but in these earlier periods the evidence shows a people that had absolutely no permanent settlements, little to trade, and no way to accumulate anything but people’s favours/debts—if they can even be called “debts” in a period before there is a state to enforce payment.

    Accumulation of “debt” by giving gifts, feasts, etc, doesnt seem to persist beyond a person’s lifetime. If Bob was cool and always gave you nice stuff you might feel indebted to him if he asks a favour, but his son won’t inherit anything, largely because there’s no propertt to inherit. If the son is a nice guy, one might still help him out in memory of his father, but if he’s a jackass there’s no cops forcing you to pay “inherited debt.” At worst, if you’re the only one who thinks Bob jr sucks, you might have to go find some other forager band to join.

    How does this so-called “primitive” communism collapse? With the increase of human populations over the later palaeolithic and mesolithic, and their related accumulation of knowledge, intensive rather than extensive foraging develops. People forage more intensely over a smaller area, and develop more territorialness over their area. Consequently now if one wants a specific type of stone it may not be possible to just go get it unless its quite nearby. Instead one will need to exchange something else for it. And with a base camp, it becomes possible to accumulate a larger supply of goods. But there is still little to accumulate besides favours.

    With the emergence of the holocene, these tendencies are supercharged; production and population increases a lot in the milder holocene climate as regular seasons begin. In the levant, the Natufian archaeological culture developed full time sedentism, based still on hunting and gathering, which eroded its own basis for existence within a few thousand years. Facing the decline in local plants and animals populations, people began to domesticate them, at first haltingly and then more quickly, leading to the neolithic.

    With full time sedentism, exchange becomes even more important, and with the domestication (enslavement) of animals, a form of moveable, accumulable, heritable, property emerges. This private wealth challenges the public, eventually indebts more and more people to itself and begins to establish even larger settlements. In mesopotamia, the earliest and largest emerged, first with the protocities of the ubaid period and then with the full urbanism, writing, etc, of Uruk.

    With the emergence of Uruk and its expansion, surrounding societies are pushed towards mimicking Uruk (and later Akkad, Babylon, etc) in the same ways those in the imperial periphery are pushed today: on the one hand, by their own elite made fabulously wealthy by trade centralise power for their own benefit; and on the other hand defense against Uruk and other protocities requires such centralisation. Much like the USSR couldnt simply choose to move to full communism under siege, the primitive communists could not maintain their communism under assault by Uruk.

    After a few thousand years of regularised commodity production and exchange, like the mass production of textiles by the temples slaves for export to oman and the indus in exchange for copper, money emerges a few hundred years BCE more firmly establishing and expanding commodity exchange.

      • ComradeRat [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.net
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        On the commodity and its nefarious effects its all chapter 1-3 of capital as you know, but in case anyone else reading doesnt thought i’d mention it anyway. Ime most scholars of pre/history do not have any real understanding of the commodity and its effects, which distorts their views of how markets and such work, so capital is really essential here for examining how commodities emerge and alter social relations. The idea that the revolution must become global or capitalism will return is present in many of marx’s writings, but imo he states it most clearly and succintly in “The Revolutionary Movement” (Jan1 1849).

        In terms the development of prehistoric societies, Friedman and Rowlands (eds.) The Evolution of Social Systems has lots of stuff on the development of class society. Particularly from the essays by Kajsa Eckholm (“External Exchange and the Transformation of Central African Social Systems”), P. Bonte (“Non-Stratified Social Formations Among Pastoral Nomads”), and Friedman & Rowlands (“Notes Towards and Epigenetic Model of the Evolution of Civilisation”). The latter two construct useful models of the development, but I disagree with some aspects of both and their model doesnt examine primitive communism and its demise.

        Another good work on the development of ancient empires is Mogens Trolle Larsen (ed.) Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires, especially the essays by Eisenstadt (“Observations and Queries about Sociological Aspects of Imperialism in the Ancient World”), Eckholm and Friedman (““Capital,” Imperialism, and Exploitation in Ancient World Systems”), Larsen (“The Tradition of Empire in Mesopotamia”), and Susan Frankenstein (“The Phoenicians in the Far West: A Function of Neo-Assyrian Imperialism”).

        Stuff by indigenous folks like Forbes Columbus and Other Cannibals or Kayanesenh Paul Williams Kayanerenkó:wa: The Great Law of Peace have also influenced my analysis a lot, seeing how native folks being invaded by commodityproducers understand and understood it in the Americas provides useful questions and frameworks for examining those processes in prehistory.

        For instance, the Phoenicians, Greeks, Chinese, Japanese, and Romans all used booze in the same way (i.e. to cheat natives by getting them drunk). Nothing is written from the native gaul, briton, berber, etc, perspective on this, or even about it at all (other than greeks glorying in profit and laughing at the drunkard barbarians getting cheated). But by examining whats happened in other native societies colonisers have dumped booze on, imo we can begin to understand the likely effects the wine had on northern europeans societies (and archaeologically, we see evidence of increased violence and patriarchal structures).

        Lastly in terms of concrete historical and prehistorical evidence, i’m just about finished (~1930/2000 pages) Cambridge World Prehistory (absurdly dry reading). Before that i read a few more regional prehistory books (oxford prehistory of the near east, Cunliffe’s facing the ocean, Broodbank’s Making the Middle Sea, and a few whose titles i’ve forgotten that covered a bit of the emergence of “civilisation” in China, Peru, and Mexico, and lots about Rome’s relationship with “barbarians”.

        In terms of more recent history, my curiosity about the origins and functioning of colonialism and imperialism really started reading Walker’s The Conquest of Ainu Land: Ecology and Culture in Japanese Expansion, 1590-1800. I was amazed how similar the methods of even the early shogunate were to Britain and France’s methods in Canada. Since then ive read stuff like One Vast Winter Count: The Native American West before Lewis and Clark and From Chiefs to Landlords: Social and Economic Change in the Western Highlands and Islands, c.1493-1820, Peasants, merchants, and markets : inland trade in medieval England, 1150-1350, etc, to get as concrete a view of these processes as I could, and I sorta just slowly worked back from there towards prehistory, trying to figure out when/how the processes started.

        And all that reading has really led me back to marx’s description in ch1-3 of the emergence of commodities, and how class society starts from there. It lines up, at least imo from what ive read, quite well with the actual prehistorical evidence—astounding when you think how much less research on the period he had access to.

        • quarrk [he/him]@hexbear.net
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          3 days ago

          Great, thanks so much! Respect for working through some less glamorous material. I believe that a lot of the sexy revolutionary theory has been worked out already, and that the intellectual work that really needs doing (besides, of course, practical organizing and agitation) is the less sexy empirical analysis and extending the historical understanding for which Marx only laid the foundation. There are a lot of interesting threads that should be pulled, like this question on class society, but I also would like one day to read more on the Christianization of Europe and indeed the world, and how that interacted with the development of capitalism via the suppression of paganism etc.

          I have one minor hesitance, not to say a challenge, but a nagging question impelling me to learn more —

          Your description of the commodity seems a little anachronistic, doesn’t it? Certainly commodities existed incidentally in precapitalist societies, and so did money. But it was not predominating production until the capitalist era; Marx writes about this in several places, which I can dig up if you would like. Money, too, was not money in its fully developed capitalist form, until the capitalist era. For example, money could not represent abstract labor until the commodity figures as the general form of the product of labor, which doesn’t happen until capitalism; money also would need to be generally exchangeable for any commodity whatsoever, but I thought that money was limited to a unit of account, accounting for unpaid taxes, in some of these ancient societies? not generally used for exchange of any two commodities?

          • ComradeRat [he/him, they/them]@hexbear.net
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            3 days ago

            Thanks! Yeah the more I read Marx the more all the more theoretical stuff seems settled to me. Europe’s christianization is a really interesting topic imo, though I’m more familiar with things on the christian side of the border. There’s a lotta simularities in early christianity to other revolutionary movements (including its eventual co-optation, and even the posthumous co-optation of “anti-revisionist” priests and monks who opposed e.g. the increasing wealth of the church

            No need to dig up the Marx quotes

            On commodities, I thought I made it explicit but I might have been unclear: i am not saying there was predominant commodities(either in the sense of most goods being produced as commodities or in the sense of commodities dominating people) in the mesolithic or palaeolithic. I am saying the commodity-form emerges in these periods, but stays marginal.

            By around the early-mid second milleniumBC, i would describe these societies as being dominated by commodities’ circulation and production, including for social necessities (most notably producing textiles to exchange for copper, tin, slaves, and wood). There is no money at this point, and most of the necessities of life (food, clothes) are still locally produced as use-values. But commodity production and exchange play a large role in determining where labour surplus to subsistence is directed. These exchanges are framed in texts as generous gifts; in reality the giftgiver expects something back of similar value and might invade if insufficiently pleased.

            Those “money” tokens are actually what I had in mind when saying most scholars of the period (bronze and early iron ages) dont understand the commodity and its effects. I do not think they can be called “money”. They were, as far as we can tell, non-exchangeable, and not even used as money of account, let alone as physical money. Rather than using them to measure value, they were used to represent specific quantities of use-values. Standardised ingots of metal are getting close to being used as a universal commodity at this point, but nothing has been formally baptised money. Money arises near the beginning of the classical period in western anatolia (lydia iirc but dont quote me on that) and spreads around the eastern mediterranean from there.

            The classical period and rome (until the collapse of its monetary economy in the 3rd and 4th centuries) i would be comfortable describing as capitalist with generalised commodity production: land was alienable, everything (even food by non-peasants) was produced for exchange, everything was saleable for money. After rome’s collapse, it took a few hundred years for a similarly commodity and money focusses society to emerge in the west (the most successful being England under Alfred and Edward, which had money-rents and kicked people off their land if they couldnt pay leading to re-concentration of wealth).

  • LaughingLion [any, any]@hexbear.net
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    3 days ago

    earlier economies of primitive accumulation were run on scarcity and debt

    consider that and it becomes apparent how it begets inequality. given time this begets class structures and those get codified into legal systems and socially accepted and internalized by the people living in such societies.

  • freagle@lemmy.ml
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    3 days ago

    I’ve been trying to figure this out myself.

    My best pet theory right now is trauma-induced anti-social behaviors creating runaway social processes that replicated and then merged, almost certainly starting with patriarchy.

    Take a group of humans who have a subsistence living. These humans will always hit a scarcity moment on natural cycles. During times of scarcity, resources will be rationed and some people will die. In order for the species to propagate, pregnant people are going to be first priority, followed by healthy children, followed by people who possessed the largest capacity for bearing more children. So while some may die due to starvation, it is more likely that those who cannot bear children will bear the larger burden of the scarcity.

    The human animal experiences these moments of relation to death as a form of stress, a particular form of stress we call traumatic stress. This stress induces a change in the body that has behavioral implications often for the rest of the life of the individual. These changes can suppress some parts of cognitive function and amplify other parts.

    Enter the concept of sociopathy. We have given names to anti-social behaviors but fundamentally what we can take from modern psychology is that it is immanent in the human organism to have cognitive patterns that destroy rather than build communion with other humans. These are pathologies of the individual that become pathologies of the society.

    So humans are in-built with the possibility of anti-society behaviors as much as we are in-built with the possibility of compassion, empathy, and self-sacrifice. Since stress represses some cognition and amplifies others, and since traumatic stress can lock these changes in for long periods of time, what we see is the potential for subsistence communes to experience natural scarcities that induce deaths that must be distributed according to the decisions made by people in a tight knit community. This has a high probability of inducing traumatic stress in certain members, with a higher incident rate among the people lower on the priority list. Without intervention, this traumatic stess can permanently alter the behavior of some members of the community, and some of those permanent changes could be anti-social and even sociopathic.

    The thing about sociopathic behavior is that they destroy societies and since society is necessary for the human organism, given a single society with no outside context, a single person destroying a society will necessarily destroy themself. That is to say, sociopathy is internally contradictory.

    And there are probably instances of this happening. And the process ends.

    But there are also likely instances where the contradiction was recognized by the sociopathic person and they attempted to address the contradiction by delaying the consequences of their actions. They may not have seen it as delay, they may have seen it as displacement - displace the consequences of the contradiction on to others and I can behave in a contradictory way - but materially that’s always a form of deferrment - the consequences being displaced on others assumes the buffer will absorb the consequences forever, and no buffer can do that.

    So now we have some societies wherein a sociopath, likely so produced by untreated traumatic stress, is behaving in a way as to protect themselves at the expense of others. Well, this won’t last long. A single person against a whole community? Unlikely to be tolerated for long. So now we have the next filter. Can the sociopath enlist other people to support their consequence-deferrment system.

    And we see this in male circumcision cults that literally traumatized each other as a way of bonding (trauma bonding) in their commitment to break free from their mothers (anti-matriarchy). And then we see circumcision become not a cult practice but something done to every infant with a penis, because that cult ultimately succeeded in defending its interests and repressing resistance.

    This sort of thing happening all over the world in small ways gets addressed or not in myriad forms. But some of these processes become inter-societal, creating arms races between systems of anti-social deferrment, leading to aggregation, leading to arms races between larger and larger groups.

    Under this admittedly amateurish narrative, classes emerge when individuals hit upon them as a “solution” to the contradictory consequences of their trauma-driven anti-social self-preservation behaviors, and thus likely started with the creation of genders as classes by the aggrieved non-childbearing members of communities to protect their interests against the rationing decisions of the community in times of scarcity, which created runaway processes of contradiction between the genders which required further repression producing further contradictions ad nauseum. Eventually this results in the masc gender needing to subdivide further to manage its own internal contradictions that emerge as a result of the anti-social behaviors that maintain the gender as a class, including ritualized trauma-binding as a form of elite reproduction which is required to maintain the consequence-deferrment system as the originator(s) of that system become infirm.

    Subdivision of the masc gender would sometimes coincide with the domination of other communities, which would drive a different form of class division to manage the contradictions between subjugator and subjugated. This would lead to parallel non-synchronized classification along disparate dimensions, leading to what we now perceive as complex intersectionality.

    Eventually we end up with medieval (or even potentially ancient) awareness of mutually assured destruction where complete extinction of “the other” is recognized as likely to result in “our own” destruction, leading to the emergence of formal governments to manage the contradictions of multi-faction anti-social coesxistence, the fusing of these governments into city-states and then nation-states, and ultimately the place we find ourselves today.

  • imogen_underscore [it/its, she/her]@hexbear.net
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    3 days ago

    i think if your ancient society starts doing slavery then you can out compete the hunter gatherer guys in your region or go enslave them. like it does offer certain “advantages” obviously strictly to the new owner class but once enough groups enter that mode the cat is kind of out of the bag. it’s a stage of human economic development and once it became widespread or structural there was no going “back” any more than we could choose to go back to feudalism